Showing posts sorted by relevance for query social justice. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query social justice. Sort by date Show all posts

Wednesday, May 15, 2013

Social Justice and the Common Good

Several months ago I posted a blog about the Justice Conference in light of a recent talk I had given on social justice. Social justice is an issue of personal faith for me rather than a topic for research, but I'm beginning to find ways to bring the two together.

 Although its less not at all obvious at my overtly Catholic institution, I do get the sense that academics have a harder time taking evangelical Christians as a group seriously. It doesn't help that the Evangelicals get a bad rap from secular liberals. 


What's sometimes lost or forgotten in the vitrol aimed at Evangelicals and Catholics is that many of these religious folks actually do care about others including the poor. I cut and taped this article by Donald Wuerl, currently the Archbishop of Washington DC, on my office door in January. His piece was in response to a petition identifying the Catholic Church as a hate group due to its position on homosexuality. In the article, he reminds us that the Archidiocese of Washington  functions as the largest non-governmental provider of social services in the DC area. I see several trucks giving out free meals to homeless outside the World Bank every evening - and I'm sure they are part of some faith-based ministry. Archbishop Wuerl writes: 

The church does not do these things for money or profit or because they’re nice to do. When the church treats the sick and injured, or feeds the hungry, or teaches, or provides assistance to those in need, it does so as an answer to the call made by Jesus Christ. We are obligated to do these and other works of mercy and to give voice to moral truth because He asks us to.
I remembered the piece by Fr. Wuerl after reading an op-ed from Michael Gerson who also linked Christian teaching with social justice. In searching for the common good, we pursue social justice (something I hear often at my Catholic-affiliated university, although clearly not practiced by all). The op-ed is premised with the idea/hope that American politics would look towards the common good.  Searching for the common good may be one way of bridging the divide and mitigating the dangers of extreme polarization in domestic politics and foreign policy.

So why am I writing about all this on my research blog?
 A recurring theme in my research is how/why people come to draw different assumptions and conclusions about the world. In other words, how are beliefs, ideas, and worldviews shaped and how does politics and contention stem from these different beliefs and assumptions?  Take for instance these peace activist recently arrested for breaking into a nuclear facility. Why are they opposed to nukes? What motivated them to break the law? How does their understanding of security differ from that of the government's (and also the looney prosecutors who claim that these activists comprised American national security)?

One thing my social science training has taught me is that categories like activists or Evangelicals are rarely homogeneous, as much as we would like them to be. Christian tradition can produce contrasting conclusions as I found in my short research on North Korean human rights. Here's a comment from Gerson which particularly rang true in my findings on Evangelicals and human rights. Can you guess which group adhere to naming-and-shaming strategies and which ones focus on humanitarian assistance/engagement? 


"Nearly every Christian tradition of social ethics encompasses two sorts of justice. The first is procedural justice: giving people what they deserve under contracts and the law. The second is distributive justice: meeting some needs just because human beings are human beings. This is not the same thing as egalitarianism; confiscation is not compassion. But distributive justice requires a decent provision for the vulnerable and destitute. And this is not just a matter of personal charity. Social justice is more than crumbs from the table; it depends on the existence of social and economic conditions that allow people to live, work and thrive."


Tuesday, February 19, 2013

The Justice Conference

I gave a talk at my alma mater last fall titled, "Rights, Mercy, and Social Justice for the Oppressed: Reflections on Faith and Politics." I'm not particularly an expert on said topic and for full disclosure I relied quite a bit on Tim Keller's Generous Justice to help me organize my thoughts. The basis for the talk, however, was really just my reflections on justice through some of my research on North Korean human rights and humanitarian aid. I wasn't aware of this until just now, but there's actually a whole conference dedicated to faith and justice which will take place in a few days. The Justice Conference. Definitely a lot more material to rely on next time I give such a talk.

Wednesday, April 18, 2012

Evangelicals and Politics

Evangelicals get a bad rap for their intolerance and their association with right-wing conservatism. Some of this criticism is deserved. But I've also felt that the media and broader American public lump all "religious" Christians (those actively practicing their faith) into the category of "evangelical" and "conservative."

My own research (and advocacy) on North Korean human rights and humanitarian aid suggests this is wrong. I've encountered several evangelicals working with faith-based NGOs who think outside of the conservative box, supporting a more liberal political agenda. I've also read a couple of blogs by self-proclaimed liberal evangelicals. The death of evangelical theologian heavyweight John Stott last year also prompted Nicholas Kristof to write about compassionate evangelicals fighting for social justice.

Anyway, I just read Chris Seiple's critical response to Robert Putnam's Foreign Affairs piece "God and Caesar in America" which confirmed my observations. I think the problem in identifying "liberal" evangelicals has to do with the fact that they operate relatively silently and without recognizable leaders. Sieple offers a nice description:
They want to be defined by what they are for -- an orthodox reading of scripture, the interpretation and application of which they must faithfully grapple with -- instead of what they are against... They largely hold the same values as Evangelicals, they just aren't angry about it...

They might find aspects of the Democratic Party appealing, especially its heart for the disenfranchised, and be "turned off" by the Republican religious narrative Putnam and Campbell describe. At the same time, they do not feel comfortable with a party that seemingly resists any public discussion of what it means to be pro-life and to believe that marriage should be between a man and a woman.
Adding to Seiple's response, I'd add that whether this group votes Republican or Democrat will depend on how they balance their position on social issues (poverty, education, health) versus social values (gay marriage, abortion).

So what's this have to do with social movements? Well, my impression is that you're more likely to see right-wing evangelicals take it to the street (i.e. the Tea Party, North Korean human rights) than their more progressive brethren. Which is why the media and mainstream America will continue to lump all evangelicals into the conservative, right-wing camp.

Sunday, August 20, 2017

Charlottesville, Protests, and Reflections on Racism and Free Speech


Last weekend white supremacists ( including alt-right; neo-Nazis, etc...) held a rally to protest the removal of a statue of General Robert E. Lee, one of the most revered and respected military commanders of his time - something acknowledged even by Union soldiers. By most historical counts, Lee was a noble man, but he also supported the Confederacy, thus leaving a heavy stain on what would likely have been a distinguished career had he chosen to side with the Union rather than bind his loyalty to his beloved home state of Virginia (Arlington National Cemetery in VA is actually situated on land formerly owned by Lee). I briefly read his bio on Wikipedia, and its unclear to what degree he supported slavery. He certainly had his own slaves, but he also made several statements which put into question the morality of slavery.

Unfortunately, clashes between white supremacists and anti-fascist, anti-racist (or whatever label you want to assign) counter-protesters resulted in violent clashes, and a tragic death when a white supremacist plowed his vehicle down an ally hitting at least a dozen bystanders.

My own views on this protest have evolved. Without knowing the back story, I thought defenders of the Lee statue, racist or not, had the right to protest their cause. But in the aftermath and post-analysis, it's clear that many of those on the alt-right, and particularly the pro-Nazi folks were of despicable character. This does not exonerate violence from the counter-protesters, but clearly when one brings firearms to the protest, and deliberately breaks negotiated agreements with the police on where to protest, one is basically asking for a fight.

I'm sure no one would accept a statue of Hitler in Germany. Does General Lee evoke similar reactions among African-Americans? If perceived symbols of hatred inflict pain (and painful memories) to some groups, should they be removed altogether? Are there good reasons for why they should remain? That's the debate which is unfolding, and based on the turn-about of both MD and VA governors (both probably for politically expedient reasons), the answer seems to be yes. This isn't a recent phenomena. Confederate statues have been targeted for removal in recent years, but are accelerating after Charlottesville. Just today, Duke University removed a statue of  Lee after it was defaced. The tension surrounding first amendment rights, hate, and racism as embodied in Confederate monuments is an excellent case for studying the evolution and contestation of public norms as Americans continue to further debate this issue.

Two final thoughts. The Washington Post had an interesting article based on research in social psychology on why people are racist. Unsurprisingly, their answer is social rather than biological. Here's an excerpt:

People learn to be whatever their society and culture teaches them. We often assume that it takes parents actively teaching their kids, for them to be racist. The truth is that unless parents actively teach kids not to be racists, they will be,” said Jennifer Richeson, a Yale University social psychologist. “This is not the product of some deep-seated, evil heart that is cultivated. It comes from the environment, the air all around us.” 
“An us-them mentality is unfortunately a really basic part of our biology,” said Eric Knowles, a psychology professor at New York University who studies prejudice and politics. “There’s a lot of evidence that people have an ingrained even evolved tendency toward people who are in our so-called 'in group.'”
But how we define those groups, and the tendency to draw divisions along racial lines, is social, not biological, he added. “We can draw those lines in a number of ways that society tells us,” he said. 
“But when people come into contact with an organized ideology that valorizes or glorifies an intergroup struggle like a race struggle — that scaffolds from people’s everyday prejudices into something altogether more violent,” he said.
White supremacist groups promote a “siege mentality” among their followers, Knowles said — rhetoric that aims to lend legitimacy to people’s racial and ethnic fears. He pointed to the slogans shouted by participants in the Charlottesville rally: “You will not replace us” and “White Lives Matter.”
Additionally, today's WaPo featured a profile on the "road to hate": how a few white supremacists who participated in the Charlottesville protests ended up embracing their movement. Again, life experiences, shaped by socio-economic as well as identity issues (i.e. finding a sense of belonging) mattered. I'm taking mental notes for future studies on how actors come to adopt particular worldviews/beliefs.

Second, my wife and I took a trip to Harpers Ferry the day after the Charlottesville protest. This city is a real gem and must see - only an hour from Washington DC. Our visit was timely. Harpers Ferry is best known for abolitionist John Brown's 1859 raid on a federal armory in hopes of leading an uprising to end slavery. It was put down by the U.S. military, led by then Colonel Robert E. Lee. There was also a small museum telling the story of the little known Niagara Movement in the early 1900s led by WEB Dubois. Ironically, the movement was undermined by other black intellectuals such as Booker T. Washington who preferred a more quite approach of conciliation and accommodation (with privileged whites) to raise the status of blacks. Like today, there was much debate regarding the best strategies and tactics for promoting racial equality and justice. Finally, there was a museum dedicated to the historically black Storer College which existed from 1865-1955 in Harpers Ferry. Clearly the school holds great significance for its alumni despite its now defunct status. Among the many things which struck me as fascinating about Storer was its religious curriculum and its support from Freewill Baptists in New England.  Christians (and evangelicals in particular) get lumped these days with the alt-right or as Trump supporters. The media recently hammered the point how Trump's evangelical advisory board had yet to disband.  It was a nice personal reminder, however, that the Gospel message is not one of hate and  discrimination, but of love and acceptance - and for those reasons New England Baptists believed in and supported Storer College. The lesson here for social scientists is that movements, factions, groups etc... are much more complex than we assume.
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Update:

Calls to remove all Confederate statues may in some cases been a knee-jerk reaction to disassociate from white supremacists. VA governor Terry McAuliffe stated moving the monuments are unlikely given the costs of their removal. Instead, adding more "context" might be an alternative way to address them.

A theater in Memphis, TN decided to pull its screening of "Gone With the Wind" over the film’s "sanitized portrayal" of the Civil War-era South and African-Americans, to which one writer in the WaPo questioned:

But just because it’s not educational television doesn’t mean that “Gone With the Wind” should be shunned entirely, just as the Confederate statues that are coming down around the country should be preserved and curated, not destroyed. Both types of period pieces are valuable historical artifacts, not of the events and people they portray, but of previous generations of Americans’ efforts to figure out how they feel about the Civil War.
On both the film and the monuments, WaPo film critic Ann Hornaday responds:
The perfunctory removal of the monuments might have been wise from a political and public-safety standpoint, but it was at odds with the transparency and moral reckoning that are necessary for accountability and healing. And it did not comport with the recommendations of a review commission, convened by then-Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake, whose 2016 report suggested that the Confederate monuments be re-sited or richly re-contextualized but never simply removed and forgotten...“It is not the responsibility of each generation to judge past generations,” the commission concluded. “It is, however, every generation’s responsibility to clear the way for truth to be heard.” 
I was more reticent about removing all Confederate monuments, although I've been telling others my opinion is that they should be removed. But was my own opinion also shaped by public sentiment? On reflection, if we were to destroy/remove all monuments, would we also not be whitewashing history? Yet the purpose of monuments/statues in public spaces is to commemorate and glorify, not necessarily educate and learn. Putting Confederate monuments in museums might be one answer. Or perhaps putting signage with more context? Striking a healthy balance is tricky with the shifting times.


Saturday, January 23, 2016

March for Life: Catholics and Evangelicals

For years, Catholic University students have supported March for Life, the pro-life (or anti-abortion if you're on the other side of the debate) rally held annually in Washington DC. Several of my students informed me they would be participating on Fri. and thus absent from class. I decided to cancel class for Fri, although mother nature later took care of this.

One difference this year is the prominent participation of evangelical Christians in the March for Life. One would assume evangelicals would embrace the movement given their opposition to abortion, but Washington Post reporter Michelle Boorstein offers: "the reasons evangelicals haven’t been joining Catholics in public activism recently are theological, cultural and political." Pro-life advocate and Liberty University faculty Karen Swallow Prior probes deeper:
"Evangelical Protestants were deeply anti-Catholic . . .Some thought, whatever Roman Catholics were for, we should be . Evangelicals are more politically conservative and come at abortion opposition with a different language. Catholics have long spoken of abortion as a 'social justice' cause not unlike fighting poverty, while evangelicals saw the issue through an individual morality lens and were wary of Catholic language that to them sounded liberal."

The recent joining of Evangelicals and Catholics is a reminder that "religion" neither necessarily divides or unites potential activists. Mobilization strategy and political opportunity in this case outweigh religious identity/ideology.